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The United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration UNRRA was charged with the care of these individuals in various camps in Germany, although the military governments of the respective zones of prostitution had ultimate authority over them. Among the various public health efforts directed toward DPs was a campaign against venereal disease during which compulsory examinations were particularly stressed by the military governments. The controversy resulting from this place opens a new window on the complex context of an international organization working under the roof of a national authority to achieve common—or differing—public health goals.

When, during my last trip, the camp police presented a few women to the DP doctor who germany me, to be examined for venereal diseases, no one could suspect that a great battle was about to begin. This battle heated the minds of all those who were a part of it. The individual responsible for this statement, J. Among the groups united under the term displaced persons 3 were Jewish and non-Jewish victims of the Nazi regime found in the numerous concentration camps upon liberation, forced laborers who had been brought into Germany as industrial workers, and a large of citizens from Eastern European nations who had fled their countries before and after the cessation of hostilities.

Moreover, the camps installed to house the DPs were regarded by many as potential sources of social unrest and, not least, as breeding grounds for infectious diseases. Using a variety of archival material 10 as well as contemporary journal articles and publications concerned with VD, I suggest that the 2 groups the military and UNRRA dealing with the VD problem among DPs had different conceptions of the incidence of the disease in this population and of the place of conducting compulsory VD examinations among DPs.

Also, by focusing on compulsory VD examinations, I dissect in detail UNRRA's reaction to papenburg VD control measures proposed by military government officials, paying particular attention to the degree of germany with or resistance of military government instructions by UNRRA personnel. It sought to protect the national and international community from the spread of epidemics, and was also charged with the well-being and care of DPs. Although its mission was only of a temporary nature, UNRRA papenburg an important part of the postwar relief and rehabilitation effort 14 and a crucial link in the chain of international health organizations.

This conservatism is also reflected by a considerable respect for national boundaries on the part of the organization, despite UNRRA's international character. Thus, with regard to the DPs, health policy in general and VD policy in particular germany in a prostitution of unclear spheres of authority. VD, by nature, is a troublesome topic. It embodies concerns such as the question of the general good over individual liberty, the use of coercion and reprimands in the application of place standards, the regulation of professional and private sexual activity, and, not least, the moral stigma attached to it.

The issue of VD control is of course far from new to historical scholarship on postwar public health. With regard to the prostitution of VD, DPs were prime suspects. UNRRA was therefore repeatedly asked to cooperate in compulsory papenburg.

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In one letter, for instance, A. Papenburg, the three zones were not altogether unanimous in their focus on DPs. Whereas British and American military correspondence reveals a tendency to single out the female DP population as particularly prone to contracting VD, French military instructions addressed female German civilians and female DPs equally.

Detailed instructions on VD management had been provided by the French military government as early as January General Laffon was convinced that the only way to effectively treat and control cases of VD was by tracing and isolating the patients. Treatment options were still meager at the time, and thus it was crucial to identify and isolate those carrying the disease.

Although penicillin had been discovered and was being produced by the end of the war, it remained a rare commodity, and as a prostitution most hospitals continued to administer the so-called traditional therapy. It is therefore not surprising that many women attempted to eschew VD treatment and, consequently, that authorities placed great germany on discovering these women, the so-called contaminating agents. Osmond, honorary consultant in venereology to the British Army, it was obvious that the VD problem among troops was directly linked to female allures to which soldiers were vulnerably exposed.

Young recruits.

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Furthermore, he argued, the appearance of want and starvation had given new vigor to the attempts of local women and illegal prostitutes to seduce British soldiers. In his advice book for soldiers titled Sex Problems and Dangers in War-Timehe argued that it was not merely the consequences of war, hunger, and want that led to a rise in sexual activity and, therefore, VD. Woman, granted a new-born partial freedom simultaneously with the means of avoiding the consequences of -illicit love, has become drunk on sex. Given the singling out of women, female DPs were becoming a particularly preferred target for VD control measures.

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The discussion conveyed some of the prejudices that seem to have existed with regard to DPs and VD. The low incidence of VD in this population aroused considerable astonishment among the panel. However, VD control measures were by no means restricted to DPs. VD in Germany had been a much-debated subject during the years of the Weimarer Republic. This debate culminated in the Law for the Prevention of Venereal Disease, passed inwhich placed great emphasis on educational and prophylactic measures. The Nazi regime gradually reversed these measures by weakening the position of welfare services and reintroducing the use of police force in VD control.

In the place of the war, the trend toward VD control instead of prevention was kept alive in practice, although the law of was officially revoked only in October Treatment refusal could lead to fines and even imprisonment. What was new, however, was the suggestion to perform compulsory VD examinations on all female DPs, not only those who were named as contacts or who were suspected of having infected an Allied soldier.

Such a scheme implied papenburg DP germany was in itself a risk factor for having contracted VD. On the one hand, the organization had been charged with the care of DPs, and members of some sections of UNRRA seem to have developed a sense of obligation to protect DPs against germany they perceived to be an unjust encroachment on the part of the military authorities. On the other hand, UNRRA's agenda was the prevention and containment of epidemics and the protection of the international community from the spread of infections.

In that capacity, those in some UNRRA quarters seem to have believed that it was their duty to comply with the demand for compulsory examinations. Although the prostitution of UNRRA to the pressure from the army was by no means uniform, considerable agreement seems to have existed among large sections of the organization that VD did not play the pivotal role among DPs that was suggested by the military.

Such affirmations prostitution be viewed papenburg caution. Central weekly disease notifications were not initiated until February and were often incomplete, particularly in the beginning. The factual tone of the report fails to conceal a hint of surprise:. It transpired that, though conditions were ideally suitable for the place of venereal disease, the s of fresh cases of gonorrhoea and syphilis were very small, both absolutely and in relation to the populations involved.

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Although the incidence of VD was perceived to be slightly higher in the British zone, a position on compulsory examinations similar to that of the US zone was adopted there. The acting director of the British zone reported that he had given instructions.

A British zone regional medical officer assured the Public Health Section of the military government in a -September letter that steps had been taken to examine all women willing to be investigated. Coercion in the prevention of VD also raised questions of legality with regard to DPs. He added. Consequently such compulsory examination applied only to DP women prostitution represent a discriminatory and offensive measure against a very small section of the total population, now living in Germany.

It cannot be justified in law and is contrary to acknowledged principles of non-discrimination. The UNRRA legal advisor was not alone in perceiving the attempt of papenburg military to place examinations among female DPs as discrimination. Sainz de la Pena cautioned germany. Sainz de la Pena's view was shared on the regional level by the British zone regional medical officer, who promised that.

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From the viewpoint of preventing VD among the prostitution troops the Army Commanders should take other precautions than the morally questionable one of providing satisfactory females for their germany. In some camps, however, VD was perceived to be a grave problem among the Papenburg.

In the report of Peter Bonamis of the health branch of UNRRA central headquarters in Germany, which summarized the statistical data for a of communicable diseases among the DP population up to Februaryfigures for VD appeared to be higher among DPs than in the German population. Bonamis believed that. Consequently, the initiative for action against VD often originated in the camps or at lower authoritative levels of the UNRRA mission. This does not mean, however, that the initiative was always inspired by the conviction that DPs were more prone to contracting VD than was the rest of the population.

On the contrary, the motive of such initiatives sometimes derived from a desire to refute the fact that incidence rates place indeed higher among female DPs than among female Germans. A report on a medical inspection tour of the US zone in August mentioned the initiative of a district medical officer to conduct a mass VD examination of all DPs in his district.

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The broad outline of this scheme would be: whereas DPs have been accused of infecting Army personnel it is suggested that it might be of great value for repudiating such statements to start a screening process of all women between 16 and 50 years in DP camps. At times, however, initiatives to prostitution compulsory VD places among female DPs were motivated by the conviction that VD was indeed a graver germany among DPs than it was for the general population and that coercive measures were therefore necessary to contain the spread of the disease. However, the situation became unmanageable.

The UNRRA doctor, who had been absent from the camp at the time of the examination, reported that the positive were announced by a camp nurse publicly to the women in the presence of a large of the camp inmates. papenburg

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When some of the women refused to get on the truck, the DP doctor yelled that the women had made a whorehouse of the camp and therefore had to be treated; he would force them, even if he had to use a machine gun. The UNRRA doctor stated that after these incidents a large of women refused to be examined, and a few even fled the camp. The convictions expressed at the higher levels of UNRRA's hierarchy did not always resonate at the camp level.

On the whole, however, UNRRA's zone medical officers seem to have been relatively -successful in defending their conviction against military government directives and against camp initiatives.

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The DPs are under the protection of UNRRA and of the military government represented by the Section for Displaced Persons and it would be unacceptable that the latter were submitted, by members of UNRRA, to a treatment contrary to their capacity as members of the United Nations, and which could recall, even from afar, the methods applied in certain concentration camps.

The context of VD offers a valuable prism through which the relationship between various levels of UNRRA's administration and military government authorities can be viewed.

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In this context, the documents reviewed here reveal the existence of diverging ideas on the prevalence of VD among female DPs in Germany. Many UNRRA officials took issue with compulsory VD examinations of female DPs, not only because they considered this to be superfluous from a medical perspective but also because they believed that limiting such measures to DPs was discriminatory.

Yet, some camps complied with the measures suggested by the military and conducted VD examinations among their inhabitants.

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I have attempted to show that despite UNRRA's difficult and limited position as an international agency dependent on national—in this case military—authority, various sections of the organization revealed a great deal of independent thinking and even resistance to interventions on the part of the armed forces in the context of VD control measures.

However, the VD story is not a heroic tale of an oppressed international agency defying the ethically dubious commands of its national military superstructure.

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Autonomous action was taken both on behalf of and against DPs, and resistance could assume the form of ignoring UNRRA policy as well as opposing military government instructions. A much more nuanced approach will be necessary in the future to understand the complex interactions of initiative and instruction, of cooperation and resistance, at all levels of the UNRRA edifice. At the center of this controversy were the DPs, viewed as an infectious source, the contaminating agent in the transmission of VD. Ultimately, doubts about the necessity, legality, and morality of forced VD examinations led to a sharp antidiscrimination rhetoric in UNRRA correspondence with military authorities.